In 2023 and 2024, a wave of national smartphone bans swept through schools: France extended its existing policy, Australia passed federal legislation, England tightened guidance, and US states from Florida to Indiana passed laws restricting phones in classrooms. By 2025, dozens of countries had some form of school phone restriction.
The first generation of post-ban data is now available. The results are mixed — some studies find benefits, while the largest UK study so far found none for wellbeing or grades — but together they say something useful about what phones do to students and what a ban can and can't fix.
Why the bans happened: the evidence that prompted them
The policy movement was driven by a convergence of evidence that became too consistent to ignore. A 2016 London School of Economics study by Beland and Murphy found that banning phones in schools improved test scores for low-achieving students by 14.23% of a standard deviation — with no effect on high-achieving students, suggesting that phone access most harms those least equipped to self-regulate. The effect was largest for students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Simultaneously, the adolescent mental health data published by researchers including Jean Twenge and Jonathan Haidt documented a sharp deterioration in teen wellbeing — rising depression, anxiety, and loneliness — with an inflection point around 2012–2013, coinciding with widespread smartphone adoption. Haidt's 2024 book The Anxious Generation synthesized this evidence and became a catalyst for policy action in multiple countries.
The mechanisms are not identical. Academic performance is impaired through distraction and task-switching — phones in classrooms fragment attention even when not actively used. Mental health is impaired through different pathways: social comparison, displacement of sleep and physical activity, and the variable-reward dynamics of social media that are particularly potent during adolescence.
What the post-ban data shows
Academic performance. The strongest evidence for academic gains is still Beland and Murphy's English school data, where the benefit was concentrated among lower-performing students. UNESCO's 2023 Global Education Monitoring Report cited findings like these but also stressed that robust evidence on technology in classrooms is limited.
How a ban is enforced plausibly matters: a phone in a locker or pouch removes the temptation in a way that "silent in pocket" does not. The cognitive cost of a phone doesn't come only from active use — the presence of a device within reach maintains a low-level vigilance that consumes cognitive resources (consistent with Ward et al.'s 2017 lab findings, although a later preregistered replication did not find that effect; Ruiz Pardo & Minda, 2022).
Social behavior and wellbeing. Here the data is more varied but directionally consistent. Several schools in the UK and Australia reported that students used breaks for face-to-face conversation, physical activity, and unstructured play at higher rates after phone removal. Some schools also report less bullying, particularly cyberbullying through group chats during school hours, although systematic data is still limited.
Student reports are mixed: many students say they miss their phones during school hours, while others describe feeling less distracted and more present. What is clear is how much phones reach into the school day without a ban: in Common Sense Media's tracking study, 97% of 11- to 17-year-olds with smartphones used them during school hours, for a median of 43 minutes. Good data on how students feel under strict bans is still thin, so be wary of precise satisfaction figures.
Teacher experience. Teachers in post-ban schools often report more classroom engagement and fewer disruptions, though these are mostly reports rather than controlled measurements. The sobering counterpoint: the SMART Schools study compared 1,227 pupils at 30 English secondary schools and found no difference in mental wellbeing, sleep, or grades between restrictive and permissive phone policies (Goodyear et al., 2025). What did matter was how much time pupils spent on phones and social media overall, in and out of school.
The counterarguments — and how they hold up
"Students need phones for safety." This is the most emotionally resonant objection. The response from most policy frameworks is that schools can maintain emergency communication through existing channels (office phones, staff-mediated contact) while storing student devices. No evidence suggests that phone bans have impaired emergency responses. In practice, the safety argument often functions as a proxy for parent preference rather than a documented safety gap.
"Bans don't teach self-control." This is a coherent pedagogical position but one that misunderstands the developmental literature. Self-regulation is not a skill that develops through exposure to temptation — it develops through repeated successful practice of regulation in manageable contexts. Removing the phone from school creates the controlled context in which other self-regulatory skills can develop. The argument would apply equally to not installing slot machines in classrooms on the grounds that students need to practice resisting them.
"It doesn't address the root problem." True, and no serious advocate claims otherwise. The ban addresses one specific context — school hours — within a larger ecosystem of phone use. The evidence that this partial intervention helps is mixed: it seems to help most with distraction during lessons, less clearly with wellbeing.
What this tells us about adult phone use
The school ban research illuminates something broader: the effects documented in classrooms — reduced cognitive performance, distracted attention, impaired social engagement — are not unique to adolescence. The Ward et al. studies reported similar costs in adults, even if their size is now uncertain. The difference is that adults have the illusion of choice and no external authority to create the protected context.
The school ban research is effectively a large-scale natural experiment in what happens when the phone is removed from a context for a defined period. Where it works, the results — fewer interruptions, better focus, more face-to-face time — mirror what adults report after their own deliberate periods of reduced phone use. And the SMART Schools finding carries the same lesson for adults: removing the phone for a few hours matters less than how much you use it overall.
For adults, the implication is that the most effective analog to a school phone ban isn't willpower — it's environmental design. Phone-free work periods with the phone physically elsewhere, device-free meals, no-phone bedrooms. The school research suggests that removal (not just intent to use less) is what protects focus in a given setting — and that total use is what matters for wellbeing.
What the school data makes clear: The pull of a phone in reach isn't about weak willpower; it happens even when people intend to ignore the device. Structural removal beats good intentions for focus — but for wellbeing, total use matters more than any one rule.
What comes next
The policy debate will continue. More countries are likely to adopt school bans through 2026 and beyond, even though the evidence is still mixed. The harder question — what to do about phone use outside school hours — remains largely unaddressed by policy and falls on families and individuals.
The school ban research doesn't answer what individuals should do about their own phone use. But it does show what removing a device from a context can and can't do: it cuts distraction in that setting, while wellbeing depends more on overall habits than on any single rule.
Sources
- Beland, L.P., & Murphy, R. (2016). Ill Communication: Technology, distraction & student performance. Labour Economics, 41, 61–76.
- UNESCO (2023). Technology in education: A tool on whose terms? Global Education Monitoring Report.
- Haidt, J. (2024). The Anxious Generation: How the Great Rewiring of Childhood Is Causing an Epidemic of Mental Illness. Penguin Press.
- Ward, A.F., et al. (2017). Brain drain: the mere presence of one's own smartphone reduces available cognitive capacity. Journal of the Association for Consumer Research, 2(2), 140–154.
- Common Sense Media (2023). Constant Companion: A Week in the Life of a Young Person's Smartphone Use. Common Sense Media Research.
- Ruiz Pardo, A.C., & Minda, J.P. (2022). Reexamining the "brain drain" effect: A replication of Ward et al. (2017). Acta Psychologica, 230, 103717.
- Goodyear, V.A., Randhawa, A., Adab, P., Al-Janabi, H., et al. (2025). School phone policies and their association with mental wellbeing, phone use, and social media use (SMART Schools): A cross-sectional observational study. The Lancet Regional Health – Europe, 51, 101211.